Thursday, February 18, 2010



THE decision of the Left Front government in West Bengal to give a reservation of 10 per cent in government jobs for socially and educationally backward Muslims announced by the Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, is predictably being dismissed cynically as an election gimmick by the Congress party which cannot afford to openly oppose this move. It is, as expected, outrightly denounced by the communal outfits particularly their political arm, the BJP.

The decision of the West Bengal government is based on the recommendations of Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission established on October 23, 2004 to recommend measures for the welfare of religious and linguistic minorities in the country. The CPI(M) had broadly welcomed the Commission and its recommendations.

Though the Commission submitted its report to the prime minister in May 2007, it was tabled in the parliament only in December, 2009. The Congress party's prevarication on this issue is clearly established by this delay. The UPA-2 government is yet to come with an action taken report on these recommendations. It is the normal practice that any report of a Commission constituted by the government of India must be brought to the parliament alongwith an action taken report. This lapse, hopefully, should be corrected in the forthcoming budget session. Only then will the country and the people know how the government intends to implement the recommendations of the Commission.

The Ranganath Mishra Commission, amongst others, recommended that the criteria for identifying backward classes should be uniform without any discrimination between the majority community and the religious and linguistic minorities. It, therefore, suggested that the criteria now applied to determine the OBC status amongst the majority community must be unreservedly applied also to all the minorities. It is in this light that the Commission has recommended reservations to the religious minorities on the lines of the OBC reservation. It has recommended 15 per cent reservation in employment under the central and state governments on this basis. Within this 15 per cent, 10 per cent is earmarked for the Muslim minorities commensurate with their 73 per cent share in the total minority population at the national level. The rest, ie, 5 per cent, must be earmarked for other minorities.

It is on the basis of this recommendation that the West Bengal government has announced its decision. These recommendations are in tune with Article 16 (4) of the Indian constitution which states: “Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State.”

The acceptance of the Ranganath Mishra Commission recommendations will necessarily take the percentage of reservations beyond the 50 per cent ceiling set by the Supreme Court. Since the reservations for the SC/STs and the OBCs at the state level are based on their proportion of population, in some states, the full quota of 27 per cent for the OBCs has not been utilised. West Bengal is one such state where currently there is only a 7 per cent reservation of seats for the OBCS based on those identified as backward classes and their proportion in the state's population. With the current decision, the percentage of reservations under the OBC category will increase to 17 per cent with 10 per cent of this being earmarked for the backward Muslims.

Amongst all other recommendations of the Commission, reservation for backward Muslims was first chosen as they comprise 25 per cent of Bengal's population. Further, in keeping with the longstanding understanding of the CPI(M), the creamy layer will not benefit from this reservation. The West Bengal government has announced that the families with an annual income of Rs 4. 5 lakh or more cannot avail of this.

Inclusion of backward Muslim sub-groups in the state's OBC list is nothing new in West Bengal. At present, there are 12 Muslim sub-groups in the OBC list representing 16.83 lakh people. The state government has now identified another 37 Muslim sub-groups. All these categories come under the category of backward Muslims as identified by the Sachar Committee report. These are the Ajlaf and Arzal categories. The West Bengal proposal excludes the advanced Ashrafs who are considered as the creamy layer amongst the Muslims. The state government has announced the setting up of a committee to identify and firm up the inclusion of sub-groups under the OBC category in order to ensure that the benefits reach those who most deserve.

Ignoring this reality of backward Muslim sub-groups already being part of the state's OBC list, the BJP has, once again, mounted its communal offensive by charging the CPI(M) and the Left Front of appeasing the Muslims. Their anti-minority stance and the vituperative communal poison that they spread is too well known to need any repetition here. Such rabid communal politics is, in fact, the worst expression of vote bank politics in our country which seeks to consolidate the Hindu vote bank based on spreading hatred against the religious minorities. While thundering that reservations cannot be based on religion, they conveniently forget that they continuously promote and defend reservations for the Scheduled Castes and the OBCs strictly within the Hindu religious fold only. It is precisely this logic that the Ranganath Mishra Commission has busted by saying that the criteria for identification of backwardness must be uniform across religions.

The Congress party first needs to explain to the people its procrastination on this report for so long before mounting attacks against the CPI(M) for implementing what is widely recognised today as necessary for the integration of the minorities into the process of building of modern India.

The yardstick of any modern democracy in measuring its success is the status and welfare of the smallest of minorities. The efficacy of any government in a modern democracy is to be measured by its success in ensuring equality of opportunity to all accompanied by proactive measures of affirmative action to bridge the gaps of social and economic inequality. The West Bengal government's decision is correct from this perspective and thus deserves to be welcomed by all Indian secular democrats and patriots.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


THE Orissa state committee of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has decided to expose and oppose the Maoists attacks on its cadres, leaders and common innocent people in the state. It has decided to launch a political and ideological campaign, together with a mass mobilisation drive through rallies, demonstrations and meetings throughout the state, in order to oppose the murderous politics of Maoist terrorists and expose the imperialist game plan behind it.

As per the call by the CPI (M) state committee on February 1, rallies and demonstrations were organised at various places in the state.

It may be mentioned here that the Maoists have made the CPI (M) and the CITU in Orissa their special targets. Just before the parliamentary elections in 2009, they murdered a CPI (M) leader, Comrade Rabi Oram who was a trade union activist. Recently, they abducted a CPI (M) member and CITU activist, Comrade Thomas Munda, while he was working in the Kalta Mines in Sundargarh district. Two days after his abduction, Comrade Munda was killed and his body was found lying close to the nearby Rajendra railway station on January 28. A week earlier, they had abducted Sundargarh district Zilla Parishad member and CPI (M) leader, Comrade Anandamasi Horo, from Roxy (Jamudih) but released him five days later. His Maoist abductors also threatened him woth dire consequences if he does not quit the CPI (M) and the CITU.

All this is obviously a part of the Maoist threat to physically liquidate the CPI (M) and CITU leaders.

On the other hand, the state police is completely inactive and has left many areas unguarded, with the result that lawless rule of the Maoists prevails there. In Sundargarh district, as many as 3,000 tribal people are on a continuous dharna for the last one and a half months in front of the K Balang police station, demanding protection so that they could live peacefully in their thatched house. But the state administration is yet to respond to their justified demand.

It was against all this menace of the Maoists and the lackadaisical attitude of the state and central governments that the CPI (M) organised protest actions in the state capital Bhubaneswar, Cuttack, Brahmapur, Puri, Bhadrak, Kakudakhandi, Jaipur Road, and Kendrapada. State and district leader of the party addressed these meetings and demonstrations. The party has planned protest actions at other centres as well. It has decided to meet the Maoists menace politically, ideologically and organisationally.

In the last week of January, a state level delegation of the CPI (M), led by its state secretary Janardan Pati, met the chief minister of Orissa and demanded adequate protection against the Maoists violence and threat. He later informed the media that the political campaign and organisational activities against the Maoist depredations would be further intensified.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org



THE Central Committee strongly opposes the recommendation of the Parikh committee to decontrol the petrol and diesel prices and link them to international prices, as also its anti-people recommendation to increase the price of cooking gas by Rs 100.00 per cylinder. It warns the central government not to use these recommendations as an excuse to hike the prices of any of these items. Such a step will have a cascading impact, raising the prices of essential commodities, which are already at an all-time high, and will lead to a further burden on the people.

The Central Committee condemns not only the utter failure of the central government to control the prices but reiterates that it is precisely the wrong policies of the government which have led to this situation of high food inflation. The redressals suggested are also misconceived. A major reason for price rise is the severe weakening of the public distribution system by a drastic cut in allocation for the so-called above poverty line. Instead of at least partial restoration of the cuts, given the buffer stocks available, the government in the name of additional allocation is giving the states 10 kg of foodgrains per family at double the price.

The CPI (M) demands restoration of the allocations at least at the APL prices. The sugar shortage and subsequent high prices are a direct result of the refusal of the government to maintain a buffer stock when there was high sugarcane production and, instead, incentivised exports. The sugar mills and sugar companies have made huge profits in this period while farmers and consumers have had to suffer. The central government has stubbornly refused to ban the futures trading in essential commodities. In May 2009, it had lifted the earlier ban on wheat futures trade.

The Central Committee demands that the government bring a food security legislation which ensures a universal right to food, with a 35 kg family allocation of foodgrains at Rs 2 a kilo. It also demands that more essential commodities at subsidised prices should be included in the PDS through central government subsidies.

The Central Committee called upon its party units to intensify the campaign against price rise.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


IT was yet another Sunday of Red flags in Kolkata. Hundreds of thousands of people marched through Kolkata streets and merged in Brigade Parade Ground on February 7, 2010 at the call of the Left Front, with determined spirit of fighting back the forces of anarchy and terror.

This mammoth rally came in the backdrop of more than two hundred of the tested and tried valiants of the CPI (M) and the Bengal Left Front being butchered over the past year, and the body count never stops growing. Thousands yet live in terror, in makeshift sheds of light polythene, in the unusually long and bitter Bengal cold. Leaders are being specifically targeted.

The slogan rang out, loud-and-clear, from the masses of the people that a new phase of the struggle – of protest and of resistance – has commenced in Bengal. The rally also focused on price rise, employment, against anarchy and defending democracy in the state. The CPI (M) and other Left parties conducted an intensive campaign on these issues across the state for over a month.

The rally was not a show of strength, but a show of courage and commitment to the Left movement. People from Lalgarh, Shalboni, Ranibandh, Balarampur, areas most affected by Maoist violence, attended the rally in numbers and many of them were actually the family members of the martyrs. Well-known faces of the jangal mahal greeted us with the clenched fist salute, thin arms quivering with rage – and a sway of happiness - as they mingled friendly with the massive people presence.

Debraj Manna of Dharampur in West Midnapore was a first timer in such a rally in Brigade. Debraj, 23, narrowly escaped the attack of Maoists while his father and a brother were killed. The mammoth gathering strengthened his confidence as he uttered his most cherished dream, “We will return to our home in Lalgarh again”. Launcho Mandi, whose wife and four year old daughter were burnt alive by Trinamool Congress goons in Dhaniakhali in Hooghly joined the rally with a heavy heart.

Manifestly, it was a rally of the younger generation. Thousands of students and youth led the processions that rushed towards the ground; their spirit was evident through vigorous slogans, Che flags etc. SFI, in the recent period, won overwhelmingly in college students’ union elections battling severe attacks.

People came from afar in endless, orderly streams across Bengal and then along the roads, streets, lanes, and by-lanes of Kolkata. Busy professionals mingled with the workers, students with the kisans, youth with the khet mazdoors. We saw a doctor, literally run out, hastily tucking in her stethoscope into a large handbag, out of a eastern Kolkata medical institution on the CIT Road and catch up with her comrades-at-arms of the branch that she leads, and then she mixed seamlessly, happily into the slogan-shouting river of humanity.

Chief Minister and CPI (M) leader Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, addressing the rally, said that there was an impending danger in West Bengal. ‘What is coming as attacks on the Left were actually attacks on rights of the poor and the toiling masses. The Left front has emerged through fifty years of struggle and the poor have been empowered and their self esteem has been held high during the tenure of the Left Front government. The grand alliance, ranging from ultra right to ultra left, against the Left was trying to snatch the rights of the toiling people. The foreign forces who don’t want to see a strong Left in India is also helping them”, he said.

Bhattacharya further said, “West Bengal has advanced a lot. Now, some forces are trying to thwart every step towards development. They are taking recourse to murder, separatism, and even spreading communal poison.”

He reminded the packed gathering that covered every millimetre of the maidan, and beyond, that the time had come to build up resistance to the unholy efforts going on towards creation of social and political anarchy in Bengal, to bring back the days of the jackal of the seventies. “Come what may, we will not surrender”, asserted Bhattacharya and said, “We are accepting the challenge of defeating the danger”.

Left Front chairman and CPI (M) state secretary Biman Basu, in his address, sharply criticised the UPA government and said that their pro-MNC, pro-rich policies had led to rising prices and increasing burden on the poor. The central government has failed to take any measure against hoarding and black marketeering. He called for isolating the forces of anarchy.

Md Amin warned the centre that the working class would be compelled to go for all India general strikes if the centre refused to mend its way.

Left Front leaders, including Ashok Ghosh (Forward Block), Kshiti Goswami (RSP), Manjukumar Majumder (CPI) called for bigger and united struggle against the anti-people policies of the centre and anti-democratic actions of the opposition forces in the state. CPI (M) Polit Bureau members Sitaram Yechury and Nirupam Sen were present at the rally.

Though he was not physically present, the rally reverberated with the memories and ideals of Comrade Jyoti Basu. A big cut-out of his, in a saluting posture, was placed beside the stage. Books and magazines on the departed leader were bestsellers.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


“Effect Land Reforms, Universalise PDS”

Below we publish the text of the speech delivered by Manik Sarkar, the chief minister of Tripura, at the conference of chief ministers on the prices of essential commodities, held in the Vigyan Bhswan in New Delhi on February 6, 2010.

THIS national level meeting was long overdue as all the state governments have been grappling with an unprecedented price rise of essential commodities. However, a look at the extensive agenda covering 14 main items would make it very difficult to arrive at a national consensus on corrective strategy.

The price rise has affected nearly all the sections but has hurt the below poverty line (BPL) families, the peasantry, working class, middle class and semi-middle class the most. And it is now evident that central government’s stimulus package to deal with the recession has benefited only a few, and that the purchasing power of these groups has not increased.

Tripura is deficit in foodgrains production. To bridge the gap between demand and supply (i e production), Tripura has adopted a Ten-Year Perspective Plan for Self-Sufficiency in Foodgrains Production. During the last eight years, the state has made rapid strides in achieving self-sufficiency in the production of quality and certified seeds, and in extension of the irrigation coverage to more than 84 per cent of the irrigable land and 38 per cent of the total cultivable land to boost production. It faces problems in timely supply of fertilisers to farmers due to meagre availability of rail rakes. Overall extension of credit to agriculture is very weak; therefore, credit under the Kisan Credit Cards (KCC) needs to be substantially improved through the central government’s intervention.

We strongly oppose the approach of corporatisation of land. This will further help concentration of land in the hands of a few rich men. Instead, to boost the national production, the government should implement land reforms vigorously to give land to the actual tillers, and this should then be supplemented by providing extensive irrigation facilities, quality seeds, fertilisers and support price.

We feel that the public distribution system (PDS) is getting weakened. Contrarily, the PDS needs to be further strengthened in a welfare state like ours. In fact, the coverage of the PDS should be universal and not ‘targeted,’ so as to make it accessible to all sections, as only then can we claim to provide food security to all. Due to this reason, in Tripura 40 per cent of population is covered under the targeted public distribution system (TPDS) (BPL/Antodaya Anna Yojana) and the rest of the population is covered under the above poverty line (APL) category, taking the PDS coverage to 99 per cent of the population.

The state government had been requesting the central government to cover its entire BPL population (i e 66.67 per cent of population) under the TPDS, but the central government has extended the TPDS coverage to only 40 per cent. We strongly feel that the central government should allow higher coverage of BPL population for the north eastern states as nearly all are deficient in foodgrains production.

In food deficit states like Tripura, less allocation of rice, a staple diet of common people, can create a serious crisis. The state needs a monthly allocation of 30,265 metric tonnes (MT) of rice under the TPDS/OWS, but the present average monthly allocation is only 24,625 MT, adversely affecting the distribution even to the targeted beneficiaries. The central government is urged to enhance the monthly allocation. Though this year the supply of sugar by the Food Corporation of India (FCI) under the PDS has improved to an extent, the yearly supply on an average was only 64 per cent during the last six years. The government of India is requested to continue full supply of the state’s monthly quota of sugar in the coming months.

As the detailed consultation with state governments last year has created an air of expectation in the entire country, the proposed Food Security Act should be immediately implemented. There should not be any unilateral imposition of a ceiling on the number of BPL families by the government of India on the basis of poverty estimates derived from sample surveys; actual identification of the BPL families should be done by respective the state governments through a detailed survey on the basis of a national yardstick. APL families should not be excluded. The scale should be 35 kg of rice per month instead of the proposed 25 kg, gradually raising it to 50 kg. Rice should be sold at Rs 2 per kg and the list of essential items to be distributed through the PDS need to be increased to fourteen by including in it pulses, edible oil, cooking gas, soaps, spices, etc.

The action taken by the state government (of Tripura) on major agenda items is as below:

(i) The stock-holding limits for items such as sugar, pulses, edible oil, rice etc has been notified already. However, for this to have the desired effect, the state government strongly recommends a ban of the futures trading of essential commodities.

(ii) The benefits of the open market sales schemes (OMSS) could not be availed merely because of its cost effectiveness.

(iii) The higher issue prices for the recent special additional ad-hoc allocation of foodgrains, with the resultant dual pricing under the PDS, is neither viable nor acceptable to the targeted groups unless they are sold at the BPL rate.

(iv) The state is unable to take advantage of supply of edible oil and pulses unless the central government provides some price and transport subsidies and also incorporates the local preferences, i e for finished lentils (masur dal) and mustard oil.

The peculiar geographic location (of Tripura) makes our state appear almost inaccessible. This, coupled with communication and infrastructural bottlenecks, threatens the uninterrupted functioning of the public distribution system (PDS). An example of such disruption could be seen during November 2008 - June 2009 which brought the state’s PDS to a virtual halt.

Augmentation of storage infrastructure is most essential for ensuring food security and control of prices. The central agencies should shoulder additional responsibilities in ensuring the uninterrupted supplies of foodgrains to the food deficit states like Tripura which needs to have a storage capacity of 1,70,000 MT (at present 93,000 MT) by 2020 AD. The state government has prepared a Perspective Plan 2020, according to which the FCI would need to construct 25 food godowns (of 27,000 MT capacity) involving an outlay of Rs 13.15 crore. It is also imperative that the long pending proposal for rail-fed godowns should be considered by the FCI as Agartala has been linked by a rail network recently.

The geographical position of the north eastern states, combined with the communication and infrastructure difficulties and small market sizes, necessitates that the central government adopt a different strategy for controlling the prices in this region. It is suggested that some transport subsidy, as that applicable to fertilisers now, should be formulated for the transport of essential commodities to this region.

Opening of a transit route through Bangladesh would greatly help in the trading and transhipment of essential commodities, especially during the rainy seasons, and would help in controlling the prices.

The north eastern states often encounter difficulties in procuring food grains due to limited availability of broad gauge (BG) rakes. Besides, limited availability of the metre gauge wagons has also been causing transhipment constraints at Lumding. Take the case of Tripura: as against the monthly requirement of 16 BG rakes needed for PDS, the average availability is only about 10-11. The state government urges the central government to take urgent steps to address these transportation bottlenecks.

We suggest that the state governments may be given some powers under the Essential Commodities Act to include or exclude items in the list, for preventing black marketing and hoarding. The state governments may also be vested with some powers under the said act to impose fines by the administrative machinery to deter the black marketers and hoarders.

Since an increase in the prices of petrol and diesel has a cascading effect on the prices of essential commodities, adversely affecting the common man, the government of India should consider a reduction in the prices of petroleum products for holding the price line.

I thank the central government for convening this meeting and hope that the steps taken after this meeting would immensely benefit the general populace, especially the vulnerable and poorer sections of this country.
Source: pd.cpim.org


The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) issued the following statement on February 10, condoling the demise of Comrade Ramnarayan Goswami.

THE All India Kisan Sabha expresses deep sorrow and grief at the death of Comrade Ramnarayan Goswami, former general secretary of the organisation on February 9 at Bardhaman (West Bengal) after prolonged illness. He was 76.

Comrade Goswami came into contact with mass kisan leaders like Binoy Chaudhury and Hare Krishna Konar and built up the Kisan Sabha among agricultural labourers and poor kisans in Bardhaman district and later in the state of West Bengal and rose to the stature of general secretary of the AIKS, to which position he was elected twice --- in Khammam (Andhra Pradesh) in 1989 and Hissar (Haryana) in 1992. He was president of the West Bengal State Kisan Sabha for two terms.

Comrade Ramnarayan Goswami led a very simple life, was a firm believer in Marxism-Leninism and contributed to the powerful kisan movement in West Bengal and was well known all over India. He led many struggles of agricultural labourers and small peasants, and suffered imprisonment during the Congress regime in West Bengal. He was elected to the West Bengal state assembly in 1977 and 1982 and became a minister in West Bengal in 1982-83. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha for three terms from West Bengal. He was also a member of the CENTRAL Committee of the CPI(M).

The All India Kisan Sabha dips its banner in his memory and sends condolences to his wife and other members of his family.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


The Left parties have decided to hold an all India rally in Delhi on March 12. The rally is being organised to focus on the demands to curb price rise, protection of the lands of the peasants and land reforms, employment for all and against the attacks on democracy and violence against the Left in West Bengal.

The Central Committee called upon all its units to mobilize people for the rally and make it a big success.

Source: pd.cpim.org


BRIGADE Parade grounds! The grounds were seaming with people on the February 7. It is a sea of humanity converging with a single agenda and steely resolve. Down with the UPA government that fails to control the prices; let us join the fight against the price rise and bring the government back to ground to face the realities – make it walk the talk – show concern towards aam admi. Tell all those who rattle that “you will not die if you do not eat sugar”: “Honourable sir, sugar might be poison for you, but we need it for our daily cup of tea and an occasional 'mishti', and remember it is not just sugar that has become dear, it is aloo, dal and chawal too, without which we cannot live, that we are talking about”. Alas, we do not eat cake because bread had become costly!

The all round price rise across the country has made the life of the common people increasingly difficult with the eroding real incomes of the working people. Essential commodities are getting out of the reach of the poor. The UPA government is betraying the interests of the people by failing to check the sky-rocketing prices. Complacency of the government on the price front is squarely responsible for the current situation. Brigade, brimming with brigadiers presented such a contrast of personalities, daily wage labourers, NREGA workers, employees, students, unemployed youth, women, peasants, agricultural labourers and even film makers. They came there not to watch a mela or be part of a 'historic, huge human congregation' but to be part of a movement, a chain and a weapon...to bring the central government to its knees.

Listen to Pushpa Kamila, a daily wage labour and Poorabi Mondal, an agricultural labourer from East Medinapore district; two middle-aged women but ripe with life experiences, bent with burdens running the households and keeping the kitchen fire alight. Price rise of essential commodities, especially that of the food grains for them is “a question of life and death”. “Didi, we forget what a full stomach means”, they said. Yes, true because their income is 'insufficient to eat twice a day'. It is their children about whom they were more concerned. They were forced to drop out of school and work alongside them. “Didi, they should be alive to read, isn't it?” they have asked. A simple fact, but heart wrenching reality. But does it touch the heart of those who were accustomed to see players being bought and sold for millions of dollars? So how do they intend to move the heart of these heartless rulers? They are clear, “the only way out of this grave situation is join the struggle”.

Subhashish Sur, a contract worker from a panchayat of Asansol sub division of Burdwan district too is not happy. “I and other NREGA workers who earn about Rs 100 per day are at a severe loss with the sky-rocketing prices. The public distribution system must be strengthened and made universal and all the essential commodities must be made available through PDS. In the name of 'targeted' the union government is targeting the poor”, he said recalling the slogan, 'garibon ko hatao' (eliminate the poor not poverty).

Sapon Ghosh, a peasant from Lalgarh presented another picture of the same story. He recalled how through his very hands agricultural produce goes to the market and earns him insufficient income even to meet the production costs. “But when I lay my hands on food items in the market for purchasing, they burn” he said wryly. Agricultural policy of the union government must be made farmer friendly. He talked about the rising prices of diesel, growing menace of middlemen and black-marketeers and commented, “the Congress government is for them not for us”.

Now, listen to some employees who have 'benefited' from pay hikes. Jeetendra Singh from the Jadavpur university employees’ association says the price hike has undone the benefits of the pay hike. He says, “The price of sugar which was Rs 20 in January 2009 is now around Rs 45-50. Same is the case with all the food grains and edible oils. The prices have almost doubled. How can we cope with this? Earlier we used to eat peas daily. Now, we have them only once a week. Likewise, we are cutting on the quantity and quality of many of the things we used to eat earlier.”

Samhita DasGupta, an Arts College student from Ballyganj, Kolkata says with the declining savings of the family due to the price rise, it has become difficult for her to buy materials needed for her course study, nothing much by the way, just books. Expect her to excel in study, without books by placing her right hand on her heart and chant 'all is well'. With a deep sigh she said, “ha, if only life was so easy”!

All this and many more Tarun Majumdar, a film director was watching and hope taking note to present a real picture of the world. But he was present at the rally not just to watch but also express solidarity with the movement against price rise.

Debanjan Chakravarthy, leader of the construction workers’ federation put forth the plight of the workers of the industry he represents. “They are one among the worst affected by the price rise. They have work for about less than 15 days in a month and with the reduction in government works and the private housing; even the current number of working days is getting reduced”. They build the 'modern India', but not for them to live!

The rally demanded that the central government must with immediate effect end forward trading in foodgrains, pulses and other essential food items. It should take urgent measures to strengthen and expand the public distribution system. Firm measures should be taken to check hoarding and profiteering in foodgrains and other essential commodities.

The Brigade! Reverberating with revolutionary songs. A music team from Lalgarh was singing. Inspiring people to fight. Paying tributes to fighters and martyrs. And at this movement none could forget the absence of one fighter among the millions present there. Everybody was conscious of his absence. Missing him, because it is after all the first 'Brigade' without him. Comrade Jyoti Basu. But who says he is not there. He is there in the midst of all. Watching them, guiding them and egging them to carry on the fight. He is there, among the clenched fists and unflinching resolve of the people. And of course there are many who wore those masks of Jyoti Basu.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


Below we publish a slightly edited version of the speech V S Achuthanandan, chief minister of the Left and Democratic Front government of Kerala, recently made at the chief ministers conference organised on the question of how to hold the price line in the country.

HONOURABLE prime minister, union ministers, chief ministers of various states and senior officials of the central and state governments, first of all I thank the honourable prime minister for calling a meeting on such a nationally important issue of price rise in this present age of global recession, climate change and food crisis.

Only an effective PDS can ensure food security. As part of liberalisation and opening up of the Indian markets to retail giants, the government of India is out to permit FDI in the retail trade sector and the APL quota of food grains to the states has been drastically cut. The government of India has cut down the APL allocation of food grains to Kerala by 85 per cent, from 1,13,420 metric tonnes in 2006 to 17,056 metric tonnes per month in April 2008. The Kerala government has been requesting the government of India to restore the APL quota of food grains to 1,13,420 metric tonnes which was there in 2006. But this request has fallen on deaf ears. Similarly, the APL wheat quota was cut down by 68 per cent and BPL wheat quota by 21per cent. Hence if the government of India is seriously thinking about price control and food security in the country, first of all the original PDS allocations should be restored to the states, including Kerala. As for Kerala, it is a consumer state that has gone for diversification of agricultural crops as advocated by the central government and is contributing substantially to the country's foreign exchange by way of export of tea, coffee, rubber, spices etc.

The government of Kerala has been actively intervening in the open market through the supply of essential commodities like pulses and spices at 30 to 70 per cent less than the open market price. Further, the state government is supplying rice at Rs 13 per kilogram through the Civil Supplies Corporation’s outlets. The state government is giving rice at Rs 2 to 26 lakh families belonging to the BPL category and to the APL families of the SC/ST and fishermen communities. In order to control the price of meals in the hotels, the state government has started Maveli hotels supplying meals at Rs 10 to 15 across the state. We spend roughly around Rs 400 crore every year by way of the above initiatives. The state government has been requesting the government of India to bring in a mechanism for meeting at least 50 per cent of these funds required for market intervention, as most of the states will not be able to bear the costs of market intervention. Due to these effective interventions by the government of Kerala, we could control the prices in the open market and the consumer price index for agricultural and rural labourers indicates that Kerala is in the 16th position with regard to price hike.

The state government has also been requesting the government of India to include coconut oil in the list of edible oils and subsidise its sale. Coconut oil being the main edible oil produced and consumed in Kerala, subsidising it will help the farmers and the consumers alike. Though the import of edible oils will increase their supply in the country, the actual benefit would go to the farmers and traders in foreign countries. Hence this genuine request of the government of Kerala may be looked into urgently.

The state government is procuring paddy from the farmers at Rs 200 per quintal above the MSP declared by the government of India. The food credit facility given by RBI for this purpose is at a rate of 10.5 per cent, which is higher than what is being offered even by private banks. Hence an interest rate subsidy to the tune of two to four per cent may be given by the RBI. The release of funds from the FCI for the paddy procured is badly delayed. Since payments have to be made to the farmers in time, any delay in the release of funds will only lead to an increase in the miseries of farmers in the country. In Kerala, only the timely intervention of the state government through interest free loans, waiver of debts by the Agriculture Debt Relief Commission, and increased MSP for paddy, has prevented suicides among farmers.

The state government has also been requesting the government of India to permit the sale of fortified atta through the Civil Supplies Corporation’s outlets which is the second line of PDS to control the atta prices as well as to prevent the diversion of wheat. These may be sanctioned at the earliest by the government of India.

The state government has not imposed any VAT on imported sugar. The Kerala Civil Supplies Corporation has requested the designated government of India agencies for supply of imported sugar for sale through its outlets. But a favourable response has not been received to date. Though levy sugar has been restricted to only BPL families by the government of India, even that allotment is not being given to the states by the millers. The state of Kerala has to get 7,600 metric tonnes of levy sugar from the millers. Though allotment orders have been issued by the government of India, the millers are not supplying the sugar. The matter was taken up with the central government but no action has been taken in this regard. This will only help traders to hike price of sugar in the open market.
Last but not the least, the report submitted by Shri Kirit Parekh to the petroleum ministry has recommended decontrol of the pricing mechanism for petroleum and its products. The effect of such a move will only be large-scale inflation all around. The costs of transportation will go up, imposing a crippling burden on the consumer states like Kerala. The budgets of every household will be strained by the increase in kerosene and LPG prices. I would most emphatically state that these recommendations of Shri Parekh should not be accepted, as they would form the last straw which would break the consumer's back.

In conclusion, if the government of India is seriously thinking of controlling the prices of essential commodities and strengthening the PDS for ensuring food security in the country, the APL quota of food grains as well as sugar should be restored to the 2006 levels and supplied in time besides the other measures I have suggested.
Source: www.pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee reiterated its strong opposition to the decision of the central government to disinvest at least 10 per cent of government equity in all profitable public sector units. Already the shares of the NHPC, Oil India and the NTPC have been sold. The government is planning to sell shares in sixty central public sector undertakings that would be shortlisted in the stock market in the next two years. The deceptive concept of “people’s ownership” is being used to mislead public opinion and conceal the true nature of disinvestment.

This aggressive disinvestment drive is being undertaken to bridge the fiscal deficit which has reached nearly seven percent of the GDP. The government is forgoing future income from dividends. Worse, it is transferring state-owned assets to private hands. The NTPC shares are being sold cheaply, showing how public assets are being plundered.

Rather than mobilising more taxes from the private corporate sector by doing away with tax exemptions, the Congress-led government is opting for the irrational course of disinvestment which is only meant to benefit the big financial players in the stock market.

The Central Committee decided to mobilise people against the disinvestment. It will extend all support to the struggle of the trade unions and the public sector employees against this step which is contrary to national interests.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee heard a report on the situation in West Bengal. The TMC combine on the one hand and the Maoists on the other are continuing their campaign of violence against the CPI (M) and the Left. Since the Lok Sabha elections, 167 members and supporters of the CPI (M) and the Left have been killed. Thousands have had to leave their homes due to the attacks. The Maoist gangs have killed over seventy of our comrades in West Medinipur district alone. There is a deliberate and planned effort to attack the CPI (M) and the Left to prevent them working among the people. The Central Committee condemned the dubious links between the TMC and the Maoists. The TMC is in the central government whose declared policy is to counter the Maoist violence.

The Central Committee is confident that the CPI (M) state unit and the Left Front will successfully mobilise the people in defence of their rights and livelihood while countering the anti-democratic assaults and violence.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee decided to hold the 20th congress of the party after the assembly elections in West Bengal and Kerala due in May 2011. The schedule of the party conferences will begin after this.

In the meantime, the Central Committee has decided to convene an extended meeting of the Central Committee in early August 2010 to decide on the political line to meet the current situation.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee discussed the situation which has developed in Andhra Pradesh with the agitation for a separate Telengana state and the counter-agitation for a united state. It is unfortunate that the Central Government and the Congress leadership took the shortsighted step of announcing the process of the creation of a separate state on December 9. It is now for the central government to ensure that the stalemate is ended and the solution found by taking into account the views of all political parties and sections of the people. This process is to begin with the setting up of the committee headed by retired Justice B N Sri Krishna.

The initial stand taken by the central government on Telengana gave a fillip to demands for separate states in various other states. The Central Committee reiterated its stand that the states which were linguistically reorganised as part of the democratic restructuring of the state structure should not be disturbed.

The Central Committee appealed to all sections of the people of Andhra Pradesh to maintain peace and harmony. There are forces trying to provoke further divisions among the people which is harmful to the overall interests of the people.
Source: www.pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee condemned the chauvinistic forces who are targeting non-Marathi speaking people in Mumbai and the state. The Shiv Sena and the MNS are indulging in this disruptive game after having failed to mobilise support for their platform in the recent assembly elections. The attempt to intimidate film actors like Shahrukh Khan and other personalities for speaking out their mind is highly condemnable.

The Congress-NCP government in Maharashtra is also pandering to chauvinistic sentiments. The recent order on taxi drivers in Mumbai having to speak and write Marathi with the 15-year domicile is one such step. The CPI (M) calls upon all citizens in Maharashtra and the country to rebuff the virulent chauvinistic politics which harms national unity.



THE central government constituted a task force on September 7, 2009, with joint secretary (higher Education) as its convener, to aid and advise the central government in the establishment of a commission for higher education and research as recommended by the Yashpal committee and National Knowledge Commission. On first of February, the ministry of human resource development uploaded on its website (http://www.education.nic.in/) the draft of National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) Bill, 2010 as approved by the task force and sought “feedback and suggestions from all stakeholders”.
As one reads this draft bill, one finds that this is not to “promote” but undermine “the autonomy of higher educational institutions”. This is to restructure higher education system for “competitive global environment” and not for catering to the aspirations of our youth. This is not for helping state governments to strengthen higher education but to snatch away from them even whatever their powers were left after education was included in the concurrent list of the constitution of India during infamous Emergency. This is a bill to create an all powerful commission for the centralisation of all aspects related to higher education. This is a bill to undermine the powers of the parliament, state legislatures and representatives of the people at large to opine and decide the education policy and administration of institutions of higher education in India.
It is presumed that by abolishing University Grants Commission (UGC), All India Council of Technical Education (AICTE) and National Council of Teacher Education (NCTE) and establishing a seven member NCHER will lead to “renovation and rejuvenation” of higher education. It is also presumed that the selection committee, consisting of the prime minister, speaker of Lok Sabha, the leader of the opposition in Lok Sabha and two ministers in charge of higher education and medical education [Section 5(5)], will chose seven members, most competent for “renovation and rejuvenation” of higher education and will be the best brains and only brains to shape the future of higher education in the country. It is further presumed that by according to the chairman and six other members of NCHER the status of chief election commissioner and Election Commissioners respectively [Section 12 (1) and (2)], the ills of the UGC, AICTE and NCTE and prevalent corruption in these institutions can never induce the proposed NCHER.
In fact the concept of NCHER was ill thought out by the Yashpal committee itself while responding to the neo-liberal agenda of the central government. Similar structure was proposed by the National Knowledge Commission led by Sam Pitroda with market oriented motives. Both were strongly rejected by “all stakeholders”.
The central government has been privatising the work of permanent and perennial nature and appointing staff on contract basis through private manpower suppliers. The work related to security and sanitation has already been privatised. Now, its thrust is to privatise the entire ministerial work. The UGC has recently floated tender for the appointment of 130 employees for secretarial and administrative work through manpower service providers at low wages. The central government seeks to legalise contractual appointment of “academic, management, accounting, technical and scientific experts” in the NCHER [Section 14(3)]. The privatisation of such work cannot be accepted.
A “collegium” will be established consisting of “core Fellows and co-opted Fellows, being persons of eminence and integrity in academia in higher education and research” [Section 17(1)]. Core Fellow has to be a national research professor, or a recipient of the Nobel Prize or Field Medal or Jnanpith award, or a member of an Academy of international standing [Section 17(3)]. The numbers of core Fellows and their appointing authority have not been provided in the draft bill. There is no provision under which states can recommend persons as core Fellows.
The co-opted Fellows will be chosen by core Fellows, to represent each state and each union territory from a panel of five persons recommended by the government of each such state or union territory. The election of the co-opted Fellows is very complicated. The state/UT representative has to muster first preference vote from at least two-third of the core Fellows present and voting. The core Fellows while electing co-opted Fellows will also “ensure representation to persons with expertise in such field of knowledge which, in their opinion, is not adequately represented in the collegium” [Section 17(5)].
Thus the representatives of states and UTs will have second class status as they have to depend on the support of core Fellows. The states and UTs have been treated with contempt. They will be at the mercy of the ‘wisdom’ of core Fellows and may have to change their nominations to cover particular field of knowledge as desired by core Fellows. The term of core Fellows will be life time, while that of co-opted Fellows will be five years. Lifetime appointments generate vested interests and akin to breeding corruption.
This collegium will recommend to the selection committee, constituted as mentioned above, a panel of persons for appointments of members and chairperson of the commission [Section 19(1)]. It has not been provided in the draft as to whether NCHER will be created first and then collegium or collegium first then NCHER.
This collegium will also make recommendations to the commission for the determination, co-ordination, maintenance of standards in higher education and research, a vision on the emerging trends in different fields of knowledge and inclusion of persons eligible and qualified to be appointed as vice chancellor of a university in the national registry. The names of suitable persons eligible and qualified for appointment as vice chancellor of a university for inclusion in the national registry proposed to the commission by the central government, state governments, or universities will be referred to the collegium for assessing their suitability and competence [Section 20(2)].
The power of the states to appoint vice chancellors of their state universities will be taken away. They have to depend first on the recommendation of the collegium, heavily dominated by core Fellows appointed for lifetime, for the inclusion of persons in the national registry and then on the list of five persons provided by the commission. No person will be appointed as the vice chancellor if his/her name is not included in the National Registry.
The NCHER will be all powerful. Once it comes into being, the powers of the state legislatures to start new universities will be seriously eroded. They have to be established in accordance with the norms and processes specified by the commission. And, in order to start functioning they have to get “authorisation” from the commission to award any degree or diploma.
The NCHER will develop national curriculum framework, guide universities in revising course curricula, specify norms of academic quality for accreditation, affiliation of colleges, and governance in universities, and minimum eligibility conditions for appointment of vice chancellor of any university [Section 24]. It will develop policies for interaction between students and teachers. It will take necessary measures including schemes for gradually enabling colleges affiliated to universities to function in an autonomous manner independent of such affiliation. The coordination, determination and promotion of standards in distance education systems will also come under it [Section 56(3)].
It will also specify the norms for financing higher education institutions, principles of allocation of grants for their maintenance and development and will disburse grants. The principal of giving block grants, rather than financing higher education institutions on the basis of their requirements, will be introduced [Section 45]. Thus there will be a total centralized structure with no scope for the academic activity in accordance with requirements of the states and areas. Much trumpeted recommendation of the Yashpal committee regarding academic freedom of teachers and institutions of higher education is being put underfoot. There would be no scope for different syllabi in different states based on their socio-cultural conditions.
The commission will prepare, every five years, a report on the state of higher education and research in every State and its relation to national trends. The governor of every state will get such report laid before the legislative assembly along with an explanatory memorandum on the action taken, or proposed to be taken, thereon in respect of each recommendation made by the commission [Section 27]. Thus the state governments will be forced to implement the agenda set by the commission and the powers of the state legislatures will be restricted.
However, the central government has retained powers [Section 29] to frame in consultation with the state governments and the commission a national policy, for the development of higher education and research, which shall guide the commission.


On what basis, the central government thinks that all the ailments of the UGC, AICTE and NCTE cannot affect the NCHER. After all, these bodies were also established with similar intentions for which NCHER is being proposed! The understanding of the seven members of the commission will decide what should happen in the field of higher education in India. If this all powerful commission decides to direct the universities to look towards market for its requirements including general funds, then what would happen to our higher education system? The need is to make these bodies function democratically and efficiently, eradicate corruption prevalent in them, make them accountable to the people and serve the cause of education.

We have enough experience of how the education curriculum and structural framework of educational institutions have been communalized. We also have experience that policy thrust of these bodies and education ministry changes with the change in persons. Some of the issues which would fasten the process of commercialization of higher education taken up by the present Human Resource Development minister Kapil Sibal on priority basis were not the priority of the previous ministry.

The proposal to establish NCHER reflects the tendency of the central government towards centralisation of higher education. It negates the role of state governments and academia in strengthening the higher education system in their respective areas and in the country as a whole. It will prove to be retrograde for the development of higher education in India. Therefore, all stakeholders should respond to the central government opposing establishment of such a commission.

Source: pd.cpim.org



The Central Committee considered the report of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities headed by Justice Ranganath Mishra. The Central Committee welcomes the recommendations for providing reservation for the minorities in government jobs. The Central Committee urged the central government to take necessary steps to implement the recommendations.

Source: www.pd.cpim.org


COMRADE Jyoti Basu’s demise evoked profound sorrow among a large section of people in Maharashtra, particularly among the toiling masses. Leaders of a large number of political parties, trade unions and organisations of toiling masses came forward to pay him homage. Electronic and print media gave wide publicity. Almost all newspapers, in English as well as Marathi or other languages, carried editorials. Well attended public meetings to pay homage to Comrade Jyoti Basu, were held at Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur, Aurangabad, Dombivali and many other places in the state by party organisations. Leaders of various secular, Left and democratic parties as well as organisations paid glowing tributes to Comrade Jyoti Basu at these meetings. A state level convention of the activists of Republican Left Democratic Front, held on January 22, at Mumbai adopted a resolution condoling the comrade’s demise.

In Mumbai, on January 19, the day of the last journey of Comrade Jyoti Basu, party activists including Mumbai party secretary Mahendra Singh and secretariat members Ashok Banerjee, Soniya Gill and R S Pandey assembled at Janshakti, the CPI(M)’s state and Mumbai party office, at 3 p m. They marched, carrying photographs of Comrade Jyoti Basu, in the streets in the office vicinity, shouting slogans “Comrade Jyoti Basu Lal Salaam” and “Comrade Jyoti Basu Amar Rahe!” In the office hall, they paid floral tributes. Mahendra Singh, Ashok Banerjee, Soniya Gil, R S Pandey spoke.

On January 27, the CPI (M)’s Mumbai committee organised a packed hall public homage meeting at Vanmali Hall in Dadar (West). The party’s Mumbai secretariat member R S Pandey made the introductory remarks while its state secretary Dr Ashok Dhawale presided. Central Committee member K L Bajaj, Mahendra Singh, state committee members Sayeed Ahmed and Kishor Thekedath, CPI leader Sukumar Damle, PWP leader Professor S V Jadhav, Janata Dal (Secular) state general secretary Vasant Shirali, Kamgar Aghadi president Dada Samant, well known senior journalist P Sainath, NRMU general secretary P R Menon and assistant general secretary S K Bose addressed the meeting. They paid rich tributes to Jyoti Basu recalling his dedication, simplicity, courage, loyalty to the party, unflinching faith in Marxism-Leninism, emphasis on forging close links with the masses, disciplined conduct, staunch opposition to imperialism and communalism, extraordinary political leadership, and immense contribution in building the communist, Left, democratic and trade union movements.

Speaking as president of the meeting, Ashok Dhawale mentioned that participation of more than one million persons in the last journey of Jyoti Basu reflected the deep love, affection and respect of masses for him. Paying homage, he referred to the personality of Jyoti Basu, his unflinching faith in revolutionary transformation of society, his leadership of various mass struggles, his contribution in making West Bengal a Left citadel, and his immense hatred for imperialism and communalism. Dhawale said true tribute to Jyoti Basu would be to preserve and advance his rich legacy and devote oneself to realise the India of his dreams. The meeting paid stood silent for two minutes and ended with loud slogans of “Comrade Jyoti Basu Lal Salaam” and “Comrade Jyoti Basu Amar Rahe”.

(Mahendra Singh)
Source: pd.cpim.org


CUTTING across political affiliations, leaders from different political parties paid glowing tributes to Comrade Jyoti Basu, one of the finest sons of the Indian subcontinent, who died on January 17. The all-party condolence meeting was organised by the CPI (M)’s Bihar state committee on January 29, in the lawns of Gate Public Library in Patna.

Though the Gate Public Library is far away from the hustle and bustle of central Patna, on January 29 it attracted a large number of party members, sympathisers and common people who reached the place in time, to pay their homage and take pledge to carry forward the unfulfilled task left behind by Comrade Jyoti Basu, one of the tallest communist leaders and the last one of the navratnas who formed the CPI (M) in 1964 and tirelessly fought for the growth of the party till his last breath.

By the time the meeting started, the Gate Public Library was overflowing with workers, peasants, government employees and different sections of the society who wanted to be the part of the solemn occasion and pay their last respect to the icon who espoused the cause of the have-nots by sacrificing his aristocratic background.

At this all-party meeting, CPI (M) state secretary Vijaykant Thakur recalled the immense contribution made by Comrade Jyoti Basu to the cause of the communist movement. He reminded the audience that during his 23 years long stint as chief minister, Comrade Jyoti Basu changed the face of rural Bengal. Under his leadership, the party and Kisan Sabha played a significant role for getting the radical land reforms effected by the Left Front government. He bore the brunt of the Congress regime since 1946 when he was first elected to the legislative assembly. Thakur recalled Comrade Basu’s personal courage when a miscreant fired upon him at the Patna Junction railway station on March 31, 1970. On that occasion, Basu maintained his calm, and visited the residence of Ali Imam who had come to receive Comrade Jyoti Basu at the railway station but died because of the firing on the spot. Later on, he addressed a party rally in Gandhi Maidan. Thakur asked the party leaders, cadres and also the political class in general to follow the high ideals practiced by Comrade Jyoti Basu.

Comrade A B Bardhan, general secretary of the CPI, who had come to attend the state council meeting of his party, spoke from his heart and recalled his long association with Comrade Basu. Giving a brief sketch of his political life right from his London days to the cause of communist movement in India he emphasised the need to carry forward the legacy of Comrade Jyoti Basu, who was the epitome of personal courage, self-sacrifice and discipline. He exhorted the audience to fill the void with collective effort and imbibe the ideals of Comrade Jyoti Basu.

BJP leader Mangal Pandey, while paying his tribute on behalf of the party, made a strong plea to emulate the high ideals of self-sacrifice and discipline in politics. Even in his death, Basu has set a rare example by donating his body for the benefit of the posterity.

RJD leader and Rajya Sabha member, Rajniti Prasad paid fulsome tribute to Comrade Jyoti Basu and made a strong plea to fulfil his dream by taking up the cause of downtrodden and the have-nots.

CPI (ML) leader Shiv Sagar Singh eloquently about contribution made by Comrade Jyoti Basu and urged to fight unitedly for the cause for which Comrade Jyoti Basu struggled in his life time.

Leaders of the Forward Bloc, SUCI and BSP, CPI state secretary Badrinarain Lal and AIPSO general secretary Bijendra Pandey also paid their respects to the departed comrade.

Presiding over the meeting, Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi spoke at length about his long association with Comrade Basu and paid him tribute with moist eyes.

As the meeting came to a close, one minute silence was observed in memory of Comrade Jyoti Basu.
(Arun Kumar Mishra)
Source: pd.cpim.org


A TOWERING personality of the Indian communist movement and senior most leader of the CPI (M), Comrade Jyoti Basu won the hearts of a wide cross-section of the people of Assam as well. Condolence meetings are being held and rich tributes are being paid throughout the state with dignity and solemnity.

The Assam state committee of the CPI (M) organised a condolence meeting on January 27 at the Pragjyoti Cultural Complex in Guwahati, with massive participation. Besides party members and sympathisers, leaders from across the political spectrum and multitudes of people —educationists and intellectuals, artists and literary personalities, workers and employees —gathered to pay homage to Comrade Jyoti Basu who passed away on January 17.

The function started with paying floral tributes on the portrait of Jyoti Basu placed in front of the Cultural Complex building. Party followers as well as admirers, cutting across political and ideological barriers, filled the sprawling complex and offered floral tributes. The complex premises were draped with red flags, banners and festoons.
The programme started at 2-30 p m with senior state leaders of the CPI (M) paying floral tributes. The first to pay respect was state secretary Uddhab Barman who was followed by Central committee member Hemen Das and state secretariat members.

Leaders of various political parties, including the CPI, CPI (ML) Liberation, AGP, BJP, Janata Dal (S), AIUDF and NCP, offered homage to the departed leader by placing floral wreaths.

Dr Debo Prasad Barooah (a former vice chancellor of Guwahati University), Udayaditya Bharali (a former principal of Cotton College), noted scientist Dr Chandra Mohan Sarma, theatre personality Dr Sitanath Lakhar, cultural celebrity Sudakshina Sarma, GU teacher Abdul Mannan, prominent lawyer Bijan Chandra Das and literary figure Anil Roychoudhury were among the distinguished personalities who offered homage to the leader. A large number of people also lined up and paid floral tributes while moving rendition of Internationale was presented simultaneously by IPTA artists Bibhuranjan Chaudhury and Ghana Deka.

The condolence meeting was held inside the auditorium with senior party leader Hemen Das presiding. CPI (M) state secretary Uddhab Barman moved the condolence resolution in the jam-packed hall. While paying rich-tributes to Comrade Jyoti Basu, the resolution recorded his contribution in developing the communist movement in Assam as well. As an important functionary of the Railway Workers' Union, Basu frequently visited Assam and guided the movement in the early days of his political career. In fact, Jyoti Basu's Assam link can be traced back to his childhood when his father, uncle and other relatives lived in Dhubri. Basu's father Dr Nishikanta Basu got his medical degree from Dibrugarh Medical College, Assam.

Paying homage to Comrade Jyoti Basu, CPI state secretary Bhugreswar Dutta said that Basu commanded national respect as a communist leader who followed party discipline and remained steadfast to his ideals championing the cause of the working people. CPI (M-L) Liberation leader Naren Bora, Janata Dal (S) state president Ramani Barman, AGP leader Dr Deba Dutta Barkataki, BJP leader Harekrishna Bharali, AIUDF working president Hafiz Rashid Ahmed Chaudhury, NCP leader Tribeni Chakravorty and RCPI state secretary Ambu Borah paid their homage. In their avalanche of tributes, all leaders across the political spectrum praised the communist legend who initiated and implemented land reforms, strengthened democracy by extending it down to the panchayat level and strove for communal harmony and an inclusive society. Basu outlived most of his contemporaries. He was a man of immense political stature, one of India's most illustrious leaders and statesmen, they said.

Former vice chancellor Dr Debo Prasad Barooah said Basu was certainly the best known face of communism across the land, transcending regional limitations and influence. He was respected and listened to across the political and ideological spectrum on key policy matters, national and international. Recalling his association with Jyoti Basu in the sixties and seventies, Dr Barooah referred to Basu's unique leadership in the trade union movement. The former VC, who has a mastery over Indian political system and constitutional matters, also highlighted Basu's record the independent India's longest serving chief minister who was unrelenting in his struggle for restructuring of the centre-state relations. Dr Barooah called upon the people to intensify the struggle for social change.

Among others, Dr Chandra Mohan Sarma, Udayaditya Bharali, Jyoti Prasad Saikia (retired IAS officer and the editor of the Dainik Asom), and Gauhati Lawyers' Union president Tarun Singha Lahkar also spoke and showered praises on Jyoti Basu.

Cultural celebrity Sudakshina Sarma and Rishiraj Sarma presented a song with melody and rhythm to pay homage to Comrade Jyoti Basu.
The chairman of the meeting, Hemen Das, described Jyoti Basu as one of the finest products of the Indian freedom struggle and communist movement. The younger generation should embrace Marxism-Leninism as a developing science and follow the path of struggles illuminated by Comrade Jyoti Basu, the CPI(M) leader said.
The condolence meeting came to a close with the singing of Internationale by the entire audience led by Bibhuranjan Chaudhury and Ghana Deka.
(Isfaqur Rahman)

Source: pd.cpim.org


A few social and political activists and intellectuals such as Arundhati Roy, Mamata Banerjee, Medha Patkar, Mahasweta Devi, Dr. Pushkar Raj, film actress Aparna Sen, Shaoli Mitra, Subhaprasanna Bhattachajree, Jogen Chowdhury, Sujat Bhadra, Bibhas Chakraborty and others, day in and day out, always speak for the safety of the perverted Maoist butchers, extortionists and rapists and champion their cause. They have been trying to raise support and a respectable space for them on different manufactured premises.

They also try to create sympathy for them in all possible ways and manners on this or that pretext. But they never use a single word to condemn the brutalities and perversions of their beloved Maoist insane terrorist brethren.

The details of EFR Jawans killed by the perverted Maoist cold blooded murderers at Shilda Camp in West Midnapur District on 15-02-2010 are placed below.

1 Ajoy Thapa, P.S. Maligarh, Darjeeling
2 Gogan Pradhan, P.S. Kharagpur Local, W. Midnapur
3 Bihan Kachari, Salua, W. Midnapur
4 Prem Siring Bhutia, P.S. Kalimpong, Darjeeling
5 Mikmar Tamang, PS Sukhiapokhari, Darjeeling
6 Arun Singh Thakuri, Salua, Dist. W. Midnapur
7 Surya Bahadur Thapa, PS Hijli, W. Midnapur
8 Jiban Chetri, Midnapur Town, W. Midnapur
9 Banin Chandra Dhimari, PS Golpara, Assam
10 Arindra Kumar Rava, Gopalpur, Assam
11 Kanteswar Basumatari, Guwhati, Assam
12 Monal Chetri, Ghum, Dist. Darjeeling
13 Suresh Rai, Mirik, Darjeeling
14 Nimte Sherpa, Pulbazar, Darjeeling
15 Pradip Pradhan, Sukiapokhari, Darjeeling
16 Madhukar Subba, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
17 Shati Kumar Rai, Gorubathan, Darjeeling
18 Dambar Bahadur Chetri, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
19 Subhas Chetri, Kotwali, Jalpaiguri
20 Biman Rai, Jorebunglow, Darjeeling
21 Gopal Krishna Chetri, Malhati, Jalpaiguri
22 Doulat Rai, Ghalibari, Darjeeling
23 Premtas Lepcha, Kalimpong, Darjeeling
24 Ram Bahadur Thapa, Salua, W. Midnapur

Those who provide a shield to the Maoist cold-blooded murderers should also be held as much responsible for the killings as are the Maoists.

Both are two faces of the same coin and therefore must be dealt with an iron hand.

The nation should be cautious of the diabolical aims and objectives of these agents of the perverted Maoists.

Monday, February 15, 2010


Shri Debabrata Bandyopadhyay is a trusted Advisor to the eccentric and obstructionist Trinamul Congress Supremo Mamata Banerjee. He is also a former Secretary of Revenue and erstwhile Secretary of Rural Development in the Government of India.

In a recent piece titled, "Citizens Beware! Killer Convicts at Large!" in the Mainstream magazine dated December 4-10, 2009 he has thrown mud on CPI (M) functionaries by building a monument of falsehood about "conviction", "release on parole" and "destruction of records".

In doing so and by using expressions such as "black mamba", "killer convicts", "nasty killer" to describe a serving and elected minister and other public functionaries, the author only further sullies his already discredited image.

What is striking is the absolute lack of editorial due diligence in publishing this malicious piece written by the former bureaucrat. Any editor worth her/his salt would have taken pains to check the veracity of the claims as well as been tempted to use editorial standards to vet some of the abominable language used. But alas, so consumed is the editor in buying the spurious monument of lies, there is none of that necessary editorial work.

Bandyopadhyay's entire article is a pack of lies, wrapped in a monument of malice intended to deliberately attack and demonize serving ministers and senior leaders of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist).

The context that provides the author to make such a willful character assassination and deliberate falsification of facts is the ‘Sainbari’ incident on 17th March 1970, where two brothers - sympathisers of the Congress party named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain were killed.

These murders were made the pretext to falsely implicate the entire leadership of the CPI (M) in Burdwan district. It must be noted that this was done when West Bengal was under President's rule and the Congress party was going all out to target the CPI (M) and its cadres.
The argument of Bandyopadhyay's article is that:

1. 50/60 armed hooligans under the leadership of “Benoy Konar” attacked the residence of Sains in Burdwan with “foul mood” and murdered two Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronob Sain.

2. 17 of the miscreants were responsible for the murder of the Sain brothers.

3. The author does not care to mention their names.

4. Eight of them, were "convicted" and life imprisonment was imposed upon them by the District and Sessions Judge of Burdwan in 1971.

5. Of the eight thus convicted- he names Benoy Konar (who is current Central Committee member of the CPI [M]), Politburo Member and West Bengal industries minister Nirupam Sen, Manik Roy (mentioned as "absconding"), Amal Haldar and Paltoo Bandyopadhyay.

6. The "convicts went on appeal before the Calcutta High Court twice.

7. On both occasions their appeal was rejected.

8. The convicts did not "curiously" prefer to appeal before the Supreme Court and instead "waited for an opportunity to get them out of the prison by foul means".

9. Later, when the CPI (M) came to power, "all the convicts of the Sain murder case were released on “unconditional and unlimited parole”.

10. The "records of the case" were "pilfered" from the "archives of the Calcutta High Court through their [the CPI (M)'s] committed members of the "Coordination Committee" among the employees of the High Court" and were destroyed.

11. The Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case.

12. The "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

13. One Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

Thus framing his case for the article's headline that "killer convicts are at large", Bandyopadhyay then goes on to construct an elaborate pack of cards bringing the Singur and Nandigram "incidents" into the picture as he makes scurrilous after scandalous claim about the persons in question.


1. The 2nd United Front Government led by Ajoy Mukhopadhyay was dismissed by Governor Dharam Veera on 16-03-1970.

2. A 24-Hour Bangla Bandh was called by the CPI (M) and other Left Parties on the next day 17-03-1970.

3. In each and every locality in West Bengal the “Bandh” was being observed peacefully and the cadres of Leftist Parties took out processions and organized mass meetings against the dismissal of the State Government.

4. A similar peaceful procession was taken out in at Talmaruin area of Burdwan Town on that day by CPI (M) workers.

5. It was attacked by antisocial elements of Congress Party with bombs, lethal weapons and as a result one Gourhari Dey was injured seriously.

6. In the clash followed, 2 Sain brothers named Moloy Sain and Pronab Sain and one private tutor were killed.

7. At 12:30 PM on the same day, one Dilip Kumar Bhattacharya s/o Bomkesh Bhattacharjee of Ahiritola Lane, P.S. & Dist. Burdwan lodged an FIR with the Burdwan Police Station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam in the Congress Party Office in consultation with Panchu Gopal Mukherjee, S.P. of Burdwan, Shankari Chatterjee, Officer-in-Charge, Burdwan Police Station and Rabindranath Ghosh, S.I. of Burdwan Police Station.

All the above three police officers had taken a pledge to wipe out CPI (M) from Burdwan District. Bijoyesh Ganguly was mentioned as witness.

8. The manufactured FIR mentioned clearly the following:

a. A peaceful ‘Bandh’ was being observed at the call of a political party but its armed cadres were giving provocative slogans.

b. At about 8-00 am an armed procession of about 1500/2000 people were proceeding through Pratapeswar-Shibtola in the town where the residence of Sain brothers was situated.

c. The processionists broke open the residence of the Sain Brothers, set it to fire and in the ensuing clash two Sain Brothers named Moloy Sain, Pronob Sain and family private tutor Jiten Roy were killed.

9. On the basis of the said FIR the Burdwan Police Station started P.S Case no 50 dt. 17.3.70 under sections 148/149/307/302/336/380 of I.P.C. against the following persons and took up investigation of the case.

(1) Ajit Kumar Mukherjee @ Tila (2) Kalyan Dutta Mondal (3) Pabitra Bhattacharjee (4) Madhu (5) Anwar Hossain (6) Akbar Hossain (7) Tapas Mukherjee (8) Vivek (9) Bulu (10) Amal Banerjee (11) Bablu Banerjee (12) Saikat Sain (13) Gandhi (14) Budo (15) Mahadeb Bhattacharjee (16) Swadhin Chatterjee (17) Mridul Sen (18) Salil Bhattacharjee (19) Subhas Chatterjee (20) Dilip Dubey (21) Ajoy Chatterjee (22) Bablu Dutta (23) Pradip Ghosh (24) Baidyanath Samanta (25) Sujit Ghosh (26) Subodh Chowdhury, (27) Amiya Dawn of Shaktigarh, Freedom Fighter Subodh Chowdhury and in the name of others totaling to 72 and 1500 unknown people.

In the original FIR there was no mention of the names of the then MLA Benoy Konar, Gokulananda Roy, Municipal Councillor Mojammel Hossain, Ramnarayan Goswami @ Kudo, Abdul Rashid, Swapan Banerjee and others.

10. Shri Tarun Dutta was the District Magistrate of Burdwan.

11. Later the officiating Chief Minister Shri Sidhartha Shankar Roy had been to Burdwan a number of times. He met the mother of Sain brothers Smt. Mrignayana Devi and made a wide-spread false and malicious propaganda that she was forced to eat boiled rice mixed with blood of her two slain sons on the fateful day. He had also introduced her to Smt. Indira Gandhi.

12. The notorious Governor Dharam Veera also visited Burdwan to give it wide publicity.

13. All the anti-Leftist Forces and a section of perverted media in the country had spread concocted stories of CPI (M) brutality and made it an all India issue.

14. After completion of the investigation the D.D.I., Asansol submitted a charge sheet against 111 persons including Benoy Konar and others on 8.2.71 under various sections of the Penal code including sections 326/302/440/836/114/149/336 of I.P.C. before the S.D.J.M Burdwan.

15. The Investigating Officer requested the Court to release 34 innocent persons who were arrested indiscriminately by him.

16. Out of these 111 accused persons, 56 persons were in jail as Under Trial Prisoners.

17. In this case " STATE V AJIT MUKHERJEE AND 83 OTHERS” also known as the “SAINBARI CASE” there was mention of 78 persons as public witnesses.

18. After submission of the Charge Sheet some more arrests were made.

19. During the running of the trial at Burdwan, the advocate Bhabadish Roy defending the accused, Freedom Fighter Shibshankar Chowdhury (Kalo Da), Purnananda Batabyal, Pancha Bagdi, Ram Mudi, Arun Devbhuti, Nitya Paul, Anwar, Brinta (Bagha), Arun Dutta, Shanti Bhanja and many other CPI (M) leaders & cadres were killed by criminals of Congress Party in Burdwan Town. A total reign of terror was created by the Congress hoodlums and butchers in connivance with Superintendent of Police Panchu Gopal Mukherjee and other police officials in the town.

20. Most of the CPI (M) leaders and cadres living in Burdwan town had fled and took shelter elsewhere.

21. The accused persons, therefore, made a prayer before the Sessions Judge, Burdwan for the transfer of the case outside the Burdwan town on safety and security reasons.

22. The Learned Sessions judge rejected the prayer of the accused persons.

23. Thereafter the accused persons moved the Hon'ble High Court, Calcutta. On 21.2.71 the Hon'ble High Court transferred the case to Alipore and the S.D.J.M Alipore committed the case to the court of Sessions on 13.6.74.

24. Some of the accused persons died in the meantime and some were absconding. So, the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee framed Charges against 83 accused persons on 13.8.77 including Benoy Konar, Dilip Dubey, Ramnarayan Goswami, Ashok Bhusan Chakraborty, Mridul Sen, Sukanta Konar, Nirupam Sen, Rajat Banerjee, Amiya Saha, Swapan Banerjee under sections 148/149/302/149/436 of IPC and read out their names. All the accused persons pleaded innocence.

25. The names of Amal Haldar and Manik Roy were mentioned neither in the original FIR nor in the charge sheet framed by The Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge on 13-08-1977.

26. In the meantime, the Left Front Government came to power on 21st June, 1977. Immediately after installation, it declared the following policies on the basis of “Forgive and Forget”:

a. No revenge will be taken against those criminals and murderers of the Congress Party who had butchered more than 1200 CPI (M) leaders and cadres in West Bengal between 1971 and1977 and created a reign of terror during this period.

b. All political prisoners irrespective of affiliation would be released unconditionally.

27. On 20.9.77 the Learned Public Prosecutor, therefore, filed an application u/s 321 Cr.P.C seeking the court's consent for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons.

28. On 30-09-1977 Shri Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee heard the case and ordered to withdraw cases against only 4 accused persons.

29. All the other accused persons appealed to the Calcutta High Court. Maintaining the order of 30-09-1977 the Calcutta High Courted directed the State Government to submit afresh a petition before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal of the case. Shri Asit Ganguly defended the accused persons.

30. On 29-11-1977 the Public Prosecutor filed an application afresh u/s 321 Cr.P.C before the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge for withdrawal from the prosecution of the accused persons with the consent of the court on following grounds.

a. There was an occurrence on the relevant date and relevant time in the house of the Sains, but the accused persons did not participate in that occurrence. That most of the accused belonged to one political party and most of the witnesses belonged to a rival political party, and that the accused persons had been falsely implicated in the case. That the investigation had not been fair and impartial and that the rival political party directed the course of the investigation and the evidence collected by the investigation agency was grossly tainted.

b. As two major political parties were involved in the case, if instant prosecution was carried to its logical end, it is almost certain that feelings or acrimony and hatred would be engineered between the local workers of the said two political parties, and that the current (then) situation in Burdwan town is quite peaceful and the trial is bound to disturb the peaceful atmosphere that is prevailing in the town.

c. The then State government (of the Left Front) had effected a policy of "Forgive and Forget" which was directed at putting an end to all political and ideological bitterness of the past.

d. The entire trial is based on the FIR lodged by one Dilip Bhattacharjee. But he himself has declared in writing that he did not know who had committed the murder. He was not a witness to the incident. He had neither written the statement of the FIR nor did he himself submit the same to the concerned police station. The FIR was drafted by the District Congress President Nurul Islam. He had put his signature on the same without going through it. Mr. Islam himself had also submitted it to the police station. The written declaration of Shri Bhattacharjee was enclosed marked Annex-A.

Witness No. 43 Itika Dutta of Suratmahal Lane of Town Hall Para of Burdwan had submitted in writing that during the incident on 17-03-1977 she was out of Burdwan. The Investigating Officer had manufactured a false statement under section 161 Cr.Pc. without meeting her.

The brother of two slain Sain brothers Bijoy Sain submitted in writing that along with two others he was confined to a room during the incident and so did not know what actually had happened.

Bijoy Sain, his sister Swarnalata Josh and brother-in-law Amalkanta Josh had in writing pleaded for withdrawal of the case in view of the prevailing peaceful atmosphere in the town.

e. The Investigating Officer had recorded the statement of Swapan Mukherjee on 08-04-1970, Nurul Islam on 08-04-1970 and Bijoyesh Ganguly on 23-04-1970 as witnesses to the incident but surprisingly their names were not mentioned in the original FIR. Even they had not put their signature on the FIR as witnesses.

The Public Prosecutor submitted that on the basis of such weak documentary evidences and witnesses, it was not possible for him to continue the case against so many people. So, he wanted to withdraw the case.

In the meantime, Hon’ble Judge Gitesh Ranjan Bhattacharjee got transferred to the Calcutta High Court as its judge. So, the Additional Sessions Judge R.K. Kar examined the grounds of withdrawal by looking at similar judicial precedents and on the basis of principles laid down by the Supreme Court in considering such grounds observed that:

a. There was a case of recantation of testimony by the person who filed the FIR.

b. He was unsure of the numbers mentioned in the charge sheet and that following the incident.

c. Leaders of the rival political party had colluded with the investigating officer in getting statements recorded from various witnesses.

d. There were several discrepancies with the statements given by the witnesses.

e. The manner the FIR was filed and in the way the investigation was done.

f. These facts and circumstances supported the Public Prosecutor's submission.

g. The investigation had not been impartial.

h. He would not be able to lead cogent and convincing evidence to warrant a conviction of the accused was not without basis.

i. The general political atmosphere in Burdwan Town at that time, featuring political murders and attacks on rival political parties, the general inaction of the police during the incident - either to halt the miscreants' attack on the Sain house as a retaliation to an alleged bomb attack on them or to apprehend them after the incident.

j. Other precedents on incidents arising out of rivalry between different associations and dismissal of charges owing to the need to continue to maintain harmony post such incidents.

k. In the light of prevalence of relative calm and peace eight years since the Sainbari incident, the judge mentioned that the Public Prosecutor's submission of withdrawal on such grounds deserved consideration.

l. However on the third ground of the Left Front government's policy of "forgive and forget", the judge clearly mentioned that "the policy of Government is no consideration for giving consent for withdrawal" citing other precedents.

m. In sum, the judge considered the other grounds enough to not find sufficient reason to withhold consent for withdrawal. Thus, the 83 accused persons were acquitted of the offences under Cr. PC section 321(b) passing the following order on 06-05-1978.


If anyone goes minutely through the proceedings of the court, he will come across the following facts.

The "convicts" went on appeal against their "sentence" to the High Court and that eventually they were released on "parole" are thus completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

It also appears very clearly that the numbers 8 and 17 are discretely chosen to make a scurrilous point.

Amal Haldar's name for example is not part of the 83 accused in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case.

· How could someone who has not been convicted appeal for "parole"?

· And from where did Bandyopadhyay make his claim that eight persons were convicted and sentenced to "life imprisonment"?

· And why would anyone who has not been "convicted" appeal to the Supreme Court to overturn a judgment of "conviction" if that never happened?

· These are questions that deserve legitimate answers from the obviously deranged former bureaucrat.

· That Bandyopadhyay's later assertions on the CPI (M) using its "power" to grant "parole" to the "convicted" and that the records of the case archive were destroyed are nonsense is proved from the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee..." case records.

· Curiously, Bandyopadhyay also makes other assertions that the Registrar General, Calcutta High Court had "shockingly" reported to the Supreme Court that the High Court had no paper relating to the Sainbari case, when no appeal to the non-existing conviction was ever filed in the High Court!

· The author continues in his nonsensical vein claiming that the "CPI (M) government had granted unconditional and unlimited parole" and hopes that the "Supreme Court gave an order revoking the parole of the convicts".

· It is mentioned in the article that one Joydeep Mukherjee has filed a writ petition before the Supreme Court to find out how the "convicts" have been "enjoying unrestricted and unconditional parole for the last 32 years".

· As established before, these are all false premises and one wonders how the Supreme Court could admit the petition which is certainly a false affidavit - a sure case of contempt of Court.

In fact, the order in the "State vs Ajit Mukherjee and 83 others case" - passed by the Third Court of Additional Sessions Judge, Alipore dated 30 September 1977 and another dated 6 May 1978 - eventually acquitted the 83 accused persons from the charges framed against them.

So, the entire contention of the article written by D. Bandyopadhyay is concocted, manufactured and distorted. It is nothing but a fairy tale and nonsense. It is completely false and flows from the rather flowing imagination of the said author.

The deranged writer D. Bandyopadhyay is a trusted advisor of the leader of the chief party in the opposition in the state is a testament to the state of affairs that exists in the anti-Left Front alliance in West Bengal.

Considering the track record of the leader in question - in the sheer mindlessness, in the nonsensical obstructionism, in the poverty of logic and reason in the Trinamul's politics, it is not a surprise that she keeps such abominable company to advise her. He and other perverts are the “Think Tank” of Mamata Banerjee. It can be easily realized how they are going to destroy the future of West Bengal.

The perverted former bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is the most appropriate successor of “Goebles and Hitler”. If both of them were alive, they would have hung their heads in shame watching their successor surpassing their limits of distortion of facts and perversions. The use of most derogatory words such as “convict on parole”, “public menace”, "killer convicts” “black mamba” “Khokan Sen”, “District level operator” "nasty killer" etc. by this uncultured former bureaucrat speaks of his unsound mind and manner of his bringing up.

It is, therefore, expected that the Supreme Court of India takes drastic steps against the perverted Maoist intellectual D. Bandyopadhyay for distortion of court proceedings and against Joydeep Mukherjee for filing a false affidavit before the Apex Court.

As a matter of fact, the free roaming of these types of perverts and deranged intellectuals is not only dangerous for the society but also for the country.

A section of print media in West Bengal such as “The Statesman”, “Dainik Bartaman”, “Ananda Bazar Patrika”, “Dainik Pratidin”, Dainik Sangbad”, “Mainstream”, “Dainik Ekdin” “The Telegraph” have been emitting venom against the CPI (M), its leaders and the Left Front Government in West Bengal. These print media on the pay roll of finance capital and imperialists are bent upon maligning and weakening the working class and democratic movement in the country. A few perverted anti-national insane intellectuals use these media for suiting their political agenda. The former IAS bureaucrat D. Bandyopadhyay is one of them.