Friday, October 29, 2010
GANGAJALGHANTI, BANKURA: FIR LODGED AGAINST TMC PRADHAN OF MAMATA BANERJEE FOR MISASPPROPRIATION OF NREGA FUND
Wednesday, October 20, 2010
THE BJP’s Yeddyurappa government in Karnataka has resorted to brazen expressions of political opportunism by adopting worst forms of anti-democratic and unconstitutional methods to remain in office. The BJP’s much tom-tomed foray into South India with the formation of this government in May 2008 has exposed unprecedented levels of corruption and opportunism. Riding a sympathy generated by the refusal of its then ally – the JD (S) – to respect a power sharing agreement, the BJP won 110 seats in a 224-member assembly. In its first act of corrupt opportunism – operation lotus – the BJP lured some independents and some JD (S) and Congress MLAs to resign and contest as BJP candidates, in order to make up the numbers for a comfortable majority. Accommodating these members in the cabinet set in motion problems within the BJP itself, sowing the seeds of instability.
Quite apart from the clout exercised by the Reddy Brothers, of the infamous illegal mining scam, over the government, its performance in the last 28 months has been mired in charges of corruption. Three ministers were forced to resign on corruption charges. Another resigned when allegations of moral turpitude surfaced with allegations of attempt to sexually molest the wife of one of his close friends. The chief minister himself faces allegations of denotifying government land for his family members. The housing minister’s son was arrested last month for allegedly bribing a witness in the investigations of a compensation scam.
The chief minister’s confrontation with the Reddy Brothers over various issues concerning the appointment of officers in the Bellary district led to a group of 54 MLAs demanding a change of the chief minister in 2009. This threat was overcome by making the demanded unsavoury compromises. The Yeddyurappa government suffered a huge loss of face and credibility when the Lokayukta, a retired Supreme Court Judge, resigned over charges of non-cooperation from the state government particularly over the investigations of allegations of illegal mining. The chief minister himself on July 10, 2010 told the state assembly that in the past seven years, more than 30 million tones of iron-ore was illegally exported from the state. At a conservative price of $ 150 per tonne, these would value a staggering Rs 22,500 crore or more.
The reshuffling of the cabinet and the deceitful compromises made to somehow remain in power accompanied by condoning the worst instances of corruption led to growing dissatisfaction within the BJP itself, particularly amongst those who had crossed over from the JD (S) and the Congress in the first instance. This culminated in a group of 19 MLAs including five independents to announce their withdrawal of support on October 6, reducing the government to a minority. Given this, the governor, as per the Supreme Court directions and current parliamentary practice asked the Yeddyurappa government to prove its majority on the floor of the house by October 12.
The assembly was convened on October 11 to consider the vote of confidence motion moved by the chief minister. By then it became clear that at least 16 MLAs, including five independents, were not going to vote in support of the government. In a brazen act of constitutional impropriety, the speaker disqualified these 16 MLAs and barred their entry into the assembly. This led to some violent confrontations. In the meanwhile, Yeddyurappa government declared its majority through a voice vote!
There are three patently undemocratic and unconstitutional acts involved in this episode. First, disqualification of an MLA can only come after the violation of a party whip. On this occasion, this could have happened when the BJP MLAs had voted against the party whip. Disqualification prior to voting, hence, is not tenable. Secondly, independent MLAs can never be disqualified on this count since, by definition, they are independent. Thirdly, the majority needs to be established on the floor of the house through a division of vote conducted by the chair. A voice vote cannot be a substitute. Such has been the blatant manipulation of democratic practices and parliamentary procedures by the BJP. At the time of going to the press, we learn that the governor has asked the chief minister to seek another vote of confidence on October 14. Since the High Court has reserved its order on a petition of the disqualified MLAs against speaker’s action, it is likely that the BJP government in Karnataka may gain a vote of confidence. This, however, will not condone the speaker’s patently illegal action as also the opportunism of the BJP government.
So much so for a party that claimed to give a model government when it assumed office in May 2008. If anything, the BJP has shown itself as a party that is willing to throw to the winds all norms of political morality in order to remain in office. That the BJP functions as the political arm of the RSS and pursues the politics of communal polarisation to convert our modern secular democratic Republic into a rabidly intolerant fascistic `Hindu Rashtra’ is well known. However, this penchant for the spoils of office, as seen now in Karnataka, exposes the BJP as the practitioner of the worst form of political opportunism, as well.
(October 12, 2010)
Monday, October 18, 2010
FASCIST MINDED MAMATA BANERJEE, MAOIST TERRORISTS AND RIGHT REACTIONARY FORCES CONSPIRE TO DESTROY DEMOCRACY IN WEST BENGAL
GOONS OF MAMATA BANERJEE AND CPI (MAOIST) ATTACK EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS, STUDENTS AND TEACHERS IN WEST BENGAL
Tuesday, October 12, 2010
Friday, October 8, 2010
LEFT FRONT GOVERNMENT IN WEST BENGAL ENSURES SOCIAL SECURITY TO TOILING MASSES IN UNORGANISED SECTORS
Wednesday, October 6, 2010
Saturday, October 2, 2010
Short HistoryAlmost 80 years ago, in the mid 1920’s, the first activities of the communist movement started in a rudimentary form in the region of what now constitutes Bangladesh (which was then a part of British ruled undivided India). Independent centers of communist activity developed almost simultaneously in other parts of India and by revolutionary Indian migrants outside India. Within a few years all these scattered centers were brought together and organized into an all-India based party, the Communist Party of India. For almost two decades after the formation of the Party, the communist movement developed in (what is now) Bangladesh as an integral part of the communist movement of undivided India under the organizational structure of CPI. The Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) therefore has a common heritage with the Communist Party of India. Even before its foundation in 1926, communists were arrested and persecuted by the British rulers and conspiracy cases were lodged against leading Indian communists which included several communists from Bengal. The Communist Party played a consistent and heroic role against British colonial rule, built up trade unions and peasant movements, led armed uprising of peasants and indigenous peoples, organized women, students and youths and built up progressive cultural fronts and peace movement. The communist movement in Bengal was at the forefront of these struggles.
After the partition of India in 1947, during the 2nd Congress of CPI in Calcutta, the delegates coming from regions within the newly founded state of Pakistan (which included what now constitutes Bangladesh) met on 6th March 1948 in a separate session and decided to from an independent communist party in Pakistan. The main strength and activity of the newly constituted Party was in the province of East Pakistan (what is now Bangladesh). This eastern province was geographically separated from the western province by almost 2,000 k.m. of Indian territory. Because of this wide geographical separation along with the phenomenon of brutal persecution by Pakistan govt., illegality imposed against Communist activity, uneven development of democratic movement in the two parts of Pakistan, development of powerful mass movement of the Bengali people for democracy, national self determination and progress and the growing tide of Bengali nationalism among the people of East Pakistan in reaction to the policy of national subjugation carried on by the Pakistani regime,- the communists of East Pakistan felt the need to have an independent center for further advancing their activities. The 4th Conference of the East Pakistan Provincial Committee of the Party, which met clandestinely in 1968, declared itself to be the 1st Congress of the Party of East Pakistan and elected a Central Committee for the Party. With the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state in 1971, this Party took the name of Communist Party of Bangladesh.
When Pakistan came into being in 1947 on the basis of religious communal ideology, the communists were the first to resist this reactionary state, its ideology and its ruling class in the face of very heavy odds. Communists were the first to lay down their lives in the struggle against the Pakistan regime. Being banned and persecuted from the very beginning by the Pakistani rules, and despite the atmosphere of anti-communist crusade, communal riots, assassinations, killings, arrests, torture and repression etc. let loose by the govt., the CP played a pioneering role to build up united anti-communal, democratic and progressive movement, mass organizations and political organizations. Under conditions of illegality during the 24 years of Pakistani rule the CP was forced to go ‘underground’, but inspite of this it played a pivotal role in building peasant movements, the language movement in 1952, democratic movement led by the United Front in 1954, education movement in 1962, numerous struggles of workers, peasants, students, women, intelligentsia and other sections of the masses. Communists organized such militant struggles as the historic ‘Tebhaga Movement’, ‘Tanka Movement’, ‘Nankar Movement’ and innumerable struggles of the people for their demands for food, clothing, shelter, education and livelihood. It also took part in the struggles for national rights in 1957 and 1966, struggles in defense of culture, language, heritage of the Bengali people, struggles against long years of military dictatorship and for democracy and democratic rights, in the struggles against imperialism and war and struggles for progressive development in the interest of the people. The Party played a vital role in the 1969 mass uprising and also during the nationwide upheaval that followed it including the non co-operation movement of 1971.
The CPB actively participated in the nine months long armed struggle for liberation of Bangladesh in 1971. A ‘Special Guerilla Force’ under the direct command of CPB-NAP-BSU fought valiantly against the US backed Pakistani occupation army. Communists were also the bravest combatants in the other segments of the armed resistance fighters including the Freedom Fighters and the new Bangladesh Army. Com. Moni Singh, the ex-President of CPB, was elected a member of the Advisory Council of the Provisional Govt, of Bangladesh. The Long years of struggle by CPB was instrumental in imparting a progressive content to the liberation war.The Party went through a split when two of its CC members left the Party and formed a so called ‘pro-Chinese’ splinter Party in 1966. This group subsequently split up further into dozens of smaller factions. During the last 20 years some of them have regrouped and are in the process of coming together. CPB is trying to build up closer ties with them and move forward towards the goal of communist unity.
The emergence of independent Bangladesh in 1971 opened up a new chapter in the history of the Communist Party of Bangladesh. The Party began to work legally and openly. The Party formed Trade Union Center with a view to mobilize trade union organizations and movements on revolutionary lines.
The victorious war for independence of Bangladesh signified a set back for US strategy in the region. The government of Bangladesh led by its founder Sheikh Mijibur Rahman initiated some progressive measures such as secularism, nationalization of major industries, non alligned foreign policy etc. The CPB supported the progressive policies of the government but at the same time constantly worked against conspiracies of internal and external reaction, including activities of the rightist and corrupt elements within the ruling party Awami League.
A Gana Oikya Jote was formed on 14 October 1973 consisting of the Bangladesh awami league, Communist Party and National Awami Party (Muzaffar) with a view to prepare ground for establishing socialism in the country, and a Jote Committee was constituted consisting of 19 members with three members from CPB. The party in its congress held in Dhaka (1973) adopted a new constitution, and a 26-member central committee was elected with Moni Singh as president and Mohammad Farhad as general secretary.
On August 15, 1975 President Sheikh Mujib was assassinated by a section of the army, which ultimately brought the country under a rightist military rule. The CPB leaders and workers were victims to serious repression under the military government in 1975.
During the following 15 years, in spite of several changes of government, change from military to civil political rule and vice versa, real power always remained in the hands of the army.
The Party leaders in the center and in district labels were arrested, warrants were issued against many (1976), and in October 1977 CPB was declared banned. In 1978 the ban on the party was, however, withdrawn and its leaders were released. The CPB participated in the general elections of 1978. As a member of the Oikya Front the CPB accorded active support to General (Rtd.) mohammad ataul ghani osmany in the Presidential election in 1979.The CPB joined the 15-party alliance in 1983 against the military rule of hussain m ershad. The party participated in the 1986 jatiya sangsad elections and secured five seats. CPB had a vital role in the oust Ershad movement in 1990.The CPB joined the 15-party alliance in 1983 against the military rule of hussain m ershad. The party participated in the 1986 jatiya sangsad elections and secured five seats. CPB had a vital role in the oust Ershad movement in 1990.
The CPB faced a great crisis in 1991 in view of the disaster of socialism in East Europe including Soviet Union. The party leaders were divided into two camps, one in favour of abolition of the CPB and its replacement by a new platform on democratic line, and the other in favour of maintaining the party in its original form. This conflict grew to be acute in 1993 when the two opposing groups arranged separate convention in Dhaka. The Marxist-Leninist group in their convention held on 15 June (1993) resolved in favour of the independent existence of the Communist Party in Bangladesh, and had their new central executive committee formed with Shahidullah Chowdhury as president and Mujahidul Islam Selim as general secretary.
After 1975, fundamental socio-economic policy and political direction of the succeeding governments remained basically the same. ‘Plundering capitalism dependent on imperialism’, unrestricted opportunity for imperialist finance capital, expansion of bureaucratic and comprador capital and a policy of indiscriminate privatization to serve their interest, creation of a new vested interest in the rural areas, restriction on peoples rights and liberties, negation of the achievements of independence and rehabilitation of the forces of communal and reactionary ideology of Pakistan period, these were more or less the policies of all the succeeding governments. The foreign policy of these governments was submission to the dictates of US imperialism and reactionary foreign powers, mobilization of aid and investment for self enrichment, friendship with imperialism and reactionary petrodollar countries instead of a policy to develop international cooperation with third world countries to build an independent national economy by unitedly resisting the neo-colonial machinations of imperialism.During these 15 years (1975-90) the CPB had been consistently fighting against military rule, and the right- reactionary policies pursued by these governments. And building up united struggle for democracy and democratic rights of the people. During these struggles the Party and its newspaper were banned several times and leaders and activists killed, arrested or forced to go underground.Struggles of the masses leading to the great anti-autocratic upsurge of 1990 brought about the end of the 15-year era of succeeding military, semi-military and military backed regimes. Parliamentary system of govt. and civilian political process was restored in 1990. The 15 years after 1990 have seen political power to rotate between two big bourgeois parties, the Awami League and the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party
After the set back of socialism in the Soviet Union and other East European countries some important leaders of the CC of CPB tried to liquidate the Party. The communists staunchly opposed this hateful attempt of the betrayers. The liquidation’s convened a Special Congress of the Party on 15th June 1993. The attempts of the liquidations failed and CPB remained united under the banner of
Thereafter, the CPB has succeeded to consolidate its forces at all levels and is once again expanding its strength and Influence amongst new sections of the toiling masses and in new localities. CPB has successfully held its 6th, 7th, 8th and 9th Congresses in 1995, 1999, 2003 and 2008.
Throughout its history the communists of Bangladesh and the CPB have earned great prestige by their sacrifice, honesty, sincerity, integrity, dedication and uncompromising struggle for freedom, peace, democracy and socialism. Communists have always been valiant fighters for the cause of the workers and toiling people of Bangladesh as well as for all just National causes. Communists of Bangladesh have also been true internationalists. They have also laid down their lives in struggles expressing internationalist solidarity with Vietnam and other national liberation movements.